12 Police Officers Shot, 5 Killed in Dallas

By QUOCTRUNG BUI and AMANDA COX JULY 11, 2016
Police officers are more likely to ...
with blacks than with whites
in similar situations
use hands 2,165
for every 10,000 stops
in New York City
1,845
for every 10,000 stops
in New York City
17% more likely
push into wall 623 529 18%
use handcuffs* 310 266 16%
draw weapons 155 129 19%
push to ground 136 114 18%
point weapon 54 43 24%
use pepper spray or baton 5 4 25%
* Handcuffs exclude arrests. Counts represent at least that level of force, based on stop-and-frisk data from 2003 to 2013. Similar situations account for gender, age, police precinct, the reason for the stop, whether the stop was indoors or outdoors, the time of day, whether the stop took place in a high-crime area or during a high-crime time, whether the officer was in uniform, the type of identification provided, and whether others were stopped at the same time.
A new study confirms that black men and women are treated differently in the hands of law enforcement. They are more likely to be touched, handcuffed, pushed to the ground or pepper-sprayed by a police officer, even after accounting for how, where and when they encounter the police.

But when it comes to the most lethal form of force — police shootings — the study finds no racial bias.

“It is the most surprising result of my career,” said Roland G. Fryer Jr., the author of the study and a professor of economics at Harvard. The study examined more than a thousand shootings in 10 major police departments, in Texas, Florida and California.

The result contradicts the mental image of police shootings that many Americans hold in the wake of the killings (some captured on video) of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo.; Laquan McDonald in Chicago; Tamir Rice in Cleveland; Walter Scott in South Carolina; Samuel DuBose in Cincinnati; Alton Sterling in Baton Rouge, La.; and Philando Castile in Minnesota.

The study did not say whether the most egregious examples — the kind of killings at the heart of the nation’s debate on police shootings — are free of racial bias. Instead, it examined a much larger pool of shootings, including nonfatal ones.

Official statistics on police shootings are poor. James Comey, the F.B.I. director, has called the lack of data “embarrassing and ridiculous.” Even when data exists, the conditions under which officers decide to fire their weapons are deeply nuanced and complex.

Mr. Fryer is the youngest African-American to receive tenure at Harvard and the first one to receive a John Bates Clark medal, a prize given to the most promising American economist under 40. He is not afraid of controversial questions. In previous work, he has paid students to read books; considered the possibility of genetic differences in intelligence; and shown that high-achieving black and Hispanic students have fewer friends.

He and a group of student researchers spent about 3,000 hours assembling detailed data from police reports in Houston; Austin, Tex.; Dallas; Los Angeles; Orlando, Fla.; Jacksonville, Fla.; and four other counties in Florida.

They examined 1,332 shootings between 2000 and 2015, systematically coding police narratives to answer questions such as: How old was the suspect? How many police officers were at the scene? Were they mostly white? Was the officer at the scene for a robbery, violent activity, a traffic stop or something else? Was it nighttime? Did the officer shoot after being attacked or before a possible attack? One goal was to figure out whether police officers were quicker to fire at black suspects.

How Officer Reports Were Coded
Excerpt from a typical Houston Police Department summary
Suspect Race: Black
Suspect Sex: Male
Suspect Age: 32
Suspect Injury: Wounded
Suspect Weapon Used: Firearm
HPD Firearm Injury: No Injury

Capital Murder (Attempted):
On duty HPD officers responded to a robbery. One susp. was arrested and handcuffed. Susp produced a weapon fired at HPD SGT. who returned fire; susp fled the building firing at a second officer who returned fire. Susp fled and was found later with gunshot wounds.
In officer-involved shootings in these cities, officers were more likely to fire their weapons without having first been attacked when the suspects were white. Black and white civilians involved in police shootings were equally likely to have been carrying a weapon. Both of these results undercut the idea that the police wield lethal force with racial bias.

But this line of analysis included only encounters in which a shooting took place. A more fundamental question still remained: In the tense moments when a shooting may occur, are police officers more likely to fire if the suspect is black?

To answer this question, Mr. Fryer focused on one city, Houston. The Police Department there allowed the researchers to look at reports not only for shootings but also for arrests when lethal force might have been justified. Mr. Fryer defined this group to include suspects the police charged with serious offenses like attempting to murder an officer, or evading or resisting arrest. He also considered suspects shocked with Tasers.

And in the arena of “shoot” or “don’t shoot,” Mr. Fryer found that, in tense situations, officers in Houston were about 20 percent less likely to shoot a suspect if the suspect was black. This estimate was not very precise, and firmer conclusions would require more data. But, in a variety of models that controlled for different factors and used different definitions of tense situations, Mr. Fryer found that blacks were either less likely to be shot or there was no difference between blacks and whites.

Lethal Force in Houston
In different sets of encounters when police might plausibly have fired their weapons.


LESS LIKELY FOR BLACKS
MORE LIKELY FOR BLACKS
shot at
−24%
Equally Likely
for Blacks
and Whites
shot at, adjusted for suspect, officer
and encounter characteristics
−22%
95% confidence
interval
The study, a National Bureau of Economic Research working paper, relied on reports filled out by police officers, and a set of police departments willing to share those reports. Recent videos of police shootings have led many to question the reliability of such accounts. But the results were largely the same whether or not Mr. Fryer used information from narratives provided by officers.

And intriguingly, he found that the rise of mobile video did not substantially change the results in Houston. Racial gaps were about the same in years when iPhones and Facebook were prevalent and in years when they weren’t.

Such results may not be true in every city. The cities Mr. Fryer used to examine officer-involved shootings make up only about 4 percent of the population of the United States, and serve more black citizens than average.

Moreover, the results do not mean that the general public’s perception of racism in policing is misguided. Lethal uses of force are exceedingly rare. There were 1.6 million arrests in Houston in the years Mr. Fryer studied. Officers fired their weapons 507 times. What is far more common are nonlethal uses of force.

And in less extreme uses of force, Mr. Fryer found ample racial differences, which is in accord with the public’s perception and other studies.

In New York City, blacks stopped by the police were about 17 percent more likely to experience use of force, according to stop-and-frisk records kept between 2003 and 2013. (In the later year, a judge ruled that the tactic as employed then was unconstitutional.)

Use of Force in Stops in New York City
Based on stop-and-frisk records from 2003 to 2013.


LESS LIKELY FOR BLACKS
MORE LIKELY FOR BLACKS
Equally Likely
for Blacks
and Whites
hands
+17%
pushed into wall

+18%
handcuffed
(excludes arrests)
+16%
weapon drawn

+19%
pushed to ground

+18%
gun pointed

+24%
+25%
pepper spray,
baton

95% confidence
interval
Adjusted for gender, age, police precinct, the reason for the stop, whether the stop was indoors or outdoors, the time of day, whether the stop took place in a high-crime area or during a high-crime time, whether the officer was in uniform, the type of identification provided, and whether others were stopped. Likelihoods are for at least that level of force.
That gap, adjusted for suspect behavior and other factors, was surprisingly consistent across many different levels of force. Black suspects were 18 percent more likely to be pushed up against a wall, 16 percent more likely to be handcuffed without being arrested and 18 percent more likely to be pushed to the ground.

Even when the police said that civilians were compliant, blacks experienced more force.

Use of Force in Stops of ‘Compliant’ Citizens in New York City
Suspects who complied with officers’ directions, did not verbally threaten police officers, were not arrested and were not found with weapons or contraband.


LESS LIKELY FOR BLACKS
MORE LIKELY FOR BLACKS
Equally Likely
for Blacks
and Whites
+21%
hands
pushed into wall

+17%
‘compliant’
citizens
handcuffed
+13%
weapon drawn

+10%
pushed to ground

+8%
gun pointed

+7%
pepper spray, baton

−14%
95% confidence interval
Adjusted for the same characteristics as all stops.
Mr. Fryer also explored racial differences in force from the viewpoint of civilians, using data from a nationally representative survey conducted by the federal government. Here, he found racial gaps in force that were larger than those he found in the data reported from the officers’ perspective. But these gaps were also consistent across many different types of force. They were as strong for civilians making more than $50,000 a year as they were for those making less.

Use of Force in All Types of Police Encounters, According to Civilians

LESS LIKELY FOR BLACKS
MORE LIKELY FOR BLACKS
Equally Likely
for Blacks
and Whites
grabbed
+170%
handcuffed
+217%
+305%
gun pointed
+87%
kicked, subject to a
stun gun or pepper spray
95% confidence
interval
Adjusted for type of encounter, self-reported behavior, gender, age, employment status, income, population size of civilian's home, time of day and officer race. Likelihoods are for at least that level of force.
This discovery is not new to the black community. It’s at root of the “talk” that many black parents give to their sons and daughters about how to approach interactions with the police.

As an economist, Mr. Fryer wonders if the difference between lethal force — where he did not find racial disparities — and nonlethal force — where he did — might be related to costs. Officers face great costs, legal and psychological, when they unnecessarily fire their weapons. But excessive use of lesser force is rarely tracked or punished. “No officer has ever told me that putting their hands on inner-city youth is a life-changing event,” he said, contrasting the consequences of shootings and lesser uses of force.


For Mr. Fryer, who has spent much of his career studying ways society can close the racial achievement gap, the failure to punish excessive everyday force is an important contributor to young black disillusionment.

“Who the hell wants to have a police officer put their hand on them or yell and scream at them? It’s an awful experience,” he said. “I’ve had it multiple, multiple times. Every black man I know has had this experience. Every one of them. It is hard to believe that the world is your oyster if the police can rough you up without punishment. And when I talked to minority youth, almost every single one of them mentions lower level uses of force as the reason why they believe the world is corrupt.”